KAYHAN (International) July 27, 1971 THE RELUCTANT PRESIDENT
[ Kayhan International's Amir Taheri has just completed a week-long tour of Pakistan during which he visited both wings of the country. He also met a number of Pakistani leaders, including President Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan. Here he gives an account of the interview with Yahya. This is the first in a series of articles on the recent events which brought Pakistan to the brink of civil war. ]
By : Amir Taheri
The Presidential palace at Rawalpindi, Pakistan, looks like any other residence of a head of state in this part of the world. Vigilant guards at the gates maintain a constant sen¬try. A lieutenant-general paces the waiting room in measured, unhurried steps. A couple of brigadiers stroll on the deep-green lawn. Tall, turbaned waiters serve visitors deep black coffee. There are huge corridors and vast offices where faintly smiling officials rustle their way through the papers.
Then there is the Presidential office itself with the scar¬let velvet furnishing that is somehow associated with authority. On the wall, there is a huge portrait of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
Soldier At Heart
The man who works in this room is four-star general Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan, officially the President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, but at heart still a pure soldier who, one immediately gets the impression, would be happiest in his uniform as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed forces. .
This, in fact, is the first point he emphasizes. His close associates remind friendly visitors that the President still prefers to sign himself in as the army C-in-C whenever he visits a club, an exhibition or any other “non-political establishment.”
We met Yahya Khan the other day when he just returned from a few day’s working holiday in Abbottabad, the center of his native part of the mountainous Northwest Frontier Province that has given Pakistan some of its bravest soldiers. In Abbottabad he presided over a meeting of the military chiefs and took time off to think about the turbulent events of the past civil war.
The 56 year old silver-haired Pathan soldier, who speaks in a deep untrained voice, was at pains to remind us that he did not seek the presidency and that he was put in the palace at ‘Pindi’ when Field-Marshal Ayub Khan stepped down under popular pressure just over two years ago. When Yahya Khan came to power, first as Chief Martial Law Administrator and later as President, he did not, perhaps even, dream of the day he would have to order his army into East Pakistan to crush what he describes as a secessionist movement inspired by India.
“Right from the start,” he told us, “my sole objective was to restore law and order in the country and to hand over power to an elected civilian government. That objective remains unchanged.”
Free Elections
True to the Pakistani army’s tradition of staying out of politics he lifted the ban Ayub imposed on free political activity and allowed the old parties to return to the scene while new parties also came into being. Then Pakistan’s first free general election took place on the basis of universal adult franchise late last year. For a few months of glowing hope, Pakistan seemed to be heading for a democratic system in which the political parties would be free to fight each other for power and base themselves on popular backing.
A few months later, however, the Awami League, the East Pakistan party that had won a sweeping victory at the polls was banned and its chief leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman -accused of secession ism and high treason.
The Pakistan People’s Party which won the election in the west wing of the geographically divided country was also told to forget the possibility of coming to power, at least for the time being.
“I was prepared to do all that was necessary, provided the unity of Pakistan would not be undermined,” Yahya Khan told us in an unmistakably sad tone, “I was not interested in. this chair and was all along waiting for the first chance to return to my life of a soldier”.
With an air of dejection, he went on to say that he had been let down by the politicians who could not agree among; themselves and who later brought the country to “the brink of partition”.
Compromise with Mu jib
He recalled how he had gone out of his way to reach a compromise with Sheikh Mujib. He had flown to Dacca, East Pakistan to meet the Sheikh although the latter should have gone to ‘Pindar to see him’.
“I even said he would be Pakistan’s next Prime Minister,” he reminisced “I did not believe what was said about the man and thought that all he was interested in was putting the situation in the east wing right. I knew that the East Pakistanis had legitimate grievances, and I was ready to hand over power to the Awami League provided I was assured that Pakistan would not be split into two separate countries.”
Yahya Khan added that he had been prepared to give East Pakistan “the largest measure of autonomy ever thought of in politics” but that he had to take military action when he was convinced that Sk. Mujib had prepared a full plan for secession.
The President’s abortive attempt to give Pakistan a democratic system has already led to so many difficulties that many people, some in the army, seem convinced that no fresh experiments should be made.
And ,yet Yahya Khan insists that a civilian government must take over. He told us he hoped there would be such a government before the 2500th anniversary of the Iranian monarchy in October and in any case before the end of the current year.
“I am determined to hand over power to the elected! representatives of the people”, he emphasized.
By-Elections In The East
At the moment he is busy preparing the grounds for a series of by-election in East Pakistan to fill vacancies created by the banned Awami League National Assembly members5' departure to India. The number of Awami League deputies who have fled to India is estimated to be 40, out of a total of 168. Some of them will be able to return and retain their seats since a general amnesty has been given to all people guilty of “political crimes.”
The sole exceptions made about people charged with high treason or found guilty of “murder, rape, arson, loot, violence and armed robbery”.
Disqualified Deputies
The President refused to say how many Awami League deputies would be disqualified but assured us that an announcement would be made very soon. A special committee- has been set up to decide on the matter.
The by-elections, he told us, would not take place on one day since he did not wish to have “forces of law and order stretched too thin”. All AL members ‘not guilty of crimes’ would be able to stand as independents. The President will be visiting East Pakistan within the next few days and the by-elections are expected to take place in August.
Once all the vacancies are filled, the National Assembly will be immediately convened. It will no longer be charged with the tasks of drafting a constitution but would be asked to form a government. A draft constitution prepared by the President’s own advisors will be submitted to the Assembly as “a broad framework”. The assembly will be able to amend it in whatever way it deems fit.
The draft constitution, Yahya Khan told us, “will be based on the demands of the parties. I know what the politicians want and I have asked my advisors to take all their demands into account, keeping in mind that whatever as necessary should be done to preserve the unity of the country”.
We asked him if it was true that he had been advised to set up a “puppet civilian government” consisting of a number of highly unpopular figures in both wings. He said this was a rumor and that, as a soldier, he considered rumormonger as “a crime”.
“I don’t listen to rumors”, he emphasized. “I am a soldier and always speak my mind openly. I don’t use tactics like that”.
Civilian Government
We asked if he would consider forming a government with the help of Zul'fiqar Ali Bhutto’s People’s Party. He said that Bhutto had a majority only in the west wing, but a civilian government should consist of representatives of “the two parts of the country”.
In any case, since a civilian government would be formed “in a matter of months’ all the parties could wait a bit longer,” he said. “I must have a full national assembly representing the nation as a whole” Yahya Khan said. “I will be prepared to accept a civilian government formed by such an assembly, but would not hand over power to any one individual or party before that is done”.
Meanwhile, the President has given the green light for Pakistan’s Five-Pear Development Plan to continue. “I can¬not throw the economy to the dogs, pending the formation of a civil government,” he said, “The national economy cannot come to a standstill just because we have had political difficulties”.
Once a civilian government is formed, however, the plan could be altered in accordance with the new government’s wishes and policies, he assured us.
We asked the President what would happen if AL members won all the by-elections in East Pakistan, if they formed a majority once again, and if they tried to put into effect the same policies that, according to the army, would have led to a division of Pakistan.
He replied that the Awami League had won the previous election through the use of “intimidation, terror and malprac¬tices”. We asked why he did not stop the general election as soon as it became clear that Sheikh Mujib’s party was breaking the game.
Election malpractices occurred in every country, including the most advanced—the President said. In any case, he said he did not have accurate information about Awami League activities at that time. “It is now that we realize, what Mujib was doing to win every seat,” he said. ‘‘Most of his men were returned unopposed because people were afraid of challenging the Awami League. He won mainly due to the Hindu minorities vote in East Pakistan; no more than 20 per cent of -the Muslim electorate backed his men”.
High Treason
He said “Mujib would be tried for high treason very soon —that is, as soon as the case against him is complete”.
We asked whether the Awami League leader would be tried and possibly executed before the new national assembly convened. The President said the matter was in the hands of military justice and he could not give any exact date for the trial. “He would be court-martialed, and I cannot say whether or not he would be alive when the assembly meets,” he added.
Asked what his government intended to do about the East Pakistan refugees now living in India, Yahya Khan said that he had invited all of them to return but was not sure that his invitation had been communicated to the displaced persons. “Some 80,000 refugees had already returned home and about 1000 were coming in every day through 'unofficial channels”. India, however, was doing its best to prevent the refugees from returning home, Yahya Khan said. It was doing so because Mrs. Gandhi wished to use the issue as a political weapon against Pakistan.
“India,” the President said, “has set up training camps for rebels in its territory. Some 35,000 rebels are being trained and the displaced persons are being used as a means of pressure on Pakistan.”
We asked if it was true that a “new Tashkent” had been proposed by the Soviet Union. The President said he had no official information on this. ‘‘I am ready to meet the Indian leaders anywhere and anytime, provided we discuss the return of the displaced persons, treating the issue as a humanitarian one and not political”, he said. “But they have refused all our offers of negotiations and sabotaged the work of the United Nations in this respect. They hope to break Pakistan and think they have no interest in talking to us”.
He added that India was openly saying it would not allow the refugees to return to “Yahya Khan’s Pakistan but only to Mujib’s Bangla Desh”.
Under Pressure
“This”, he said, “is clear intervention in our internal affairs and, obviously, we reject it”.
He repeated that he was a soldier and would not give in to any pressure. “They say”, he went on, “that I am under pressure from this or that big power. That is nonsense. Those who say it don’t know me. A man can be subjected to pressure only if he is interested in this chair. I am not, and I have made it clear that I shall throw any aid back in the donor’s face if there are any strings attached”.
Yahya Khan said that the Soviet and American govern¬ments had adopted ‘‘a correct policy” towards Pakistan right from the start of the crisis but he could not say the same about Britain.
“The British government” he said, “has been openly hostile to us, trying to meddle in our internal affairs. Their foreign secretary has made this clear. As a member of the Commonwealth, we had expected Britain to remain at least neutral and not back India so openly”.
We told Yahya Khan of talk9 we had heard in Pakistan about keeping him President at least for a few more years.
“I am not interested,” he said. ‘‘My mandate is clear: it is to keep the country united and to give it a civilian govern¬ment and then leave”.
We reminded him that the People’s Party, the main poli¬tical force in the west wing, wanted him to stay on as Pre¬sident, provided a civilian government is formed.
“The People’s Party” he said, “represents only one part of the country. If the national assembly, that is the collec¬tive will of the people, wants me to stay on. I will. Other¬wise, I would be too glad to return to the army”.
President Yahya Khan spoke warmly of Iran during our meeting, which lasted nearly 75 minutes. He described the Shahanshah as ''Pakistan’s greatest well-wisher” and Iran as "a great source of strength for us”. He recalled Iran’s help to Pakistan throughout its history and said Pakistan always \ took heart in knowing that Iran, now “the strongest power in this region, stands behind it.
“We are not two countries” he said quoting a Persian verse that says, ‘‘We are the same soul in two bodies”.
“I myself am an Iranian,” he said. “My ancestors came to the sub-continent from Iran. At home, our language is Persian and we take pride in our nation’s cultural affinity and unshakable bonds with Iran. I have not been talking to you as an outsider but as my own brother or my own son. My message to the people of Iran is just the salaam of one member of the great family to the other members Hav¬
ing come to our country you have, in fact, travelled in an¬other part of Iran. We thank God for having given Iran increasing economic and defence strength, and we pray to the Almighty for the greater success of the Shahanshah—a suc¬cess which will be that of Iran, Pakistan, the whole Muslim \ World”
Monday, March 6, 2017
YAHYA IS UNDER PRESSURE TO STEP DOWN REPORT BY J. D. SINGH FROM LONDON
THE TIMES OF INDIA (Bombay) September 22, 1971
The military junta in Islamabad is deeply split and President Yahya Khan is under increasing pressure to quit, according to highly-placed Pakistani sources. Most of the junta is united behind its aim to prevent the secession of East Bengal. They are as “hawkish” as the President himself. •But they have come to realist that a political settlement to prevent secession will be impossible without a change of leadership at the top. In other words, they want to make President Yahya Khan and his commander in East Bengal until recently, General Tikka Khan, scapegoats in a murky behind-the-scenes drama. The split in the junta has deepened with the conclusion of the Soviet treaty and the knowledge that China, even though it has publicly expressed its support for Pakistan, may not be quite willing to give it military aid. These sources recall that China had laid down certain impossible conditions when Pakistan asked for military assistance during the 1965 war with India.
President Yahya Khan’s recent trip to Iran may not be unconnected with developments at home, the sources say. It was prompted by the President’s desire to get a reaffirmation of solidarity from an ally who has helped Pakistan in the past. It is possible that Pakistan has secured Iran’s backing for its case at the United Nations and may even get military hardware on a small scale. Progressive elements in West Pakistan are certain that the army cannot keep East Bengal under its heel for long because of the diflcult communication and supply lines, the increasing guerrilla activity and the hostility of almost the entire population of the province. Pakistan army officers nnd soldiers are fighting almost for the first time nwny from the comforts of their home and, since the Bengalis refuie to sell them moat nnd chicken, do not quite like the idea of subsisting on “dnl” and “chapati”. Some of them at least mny also have a genuine revulsion at the mass killing of their own Muslim brethren. In the circumstances, their morale is bound to crack up sooner or later.
In West Pakistan, too, faint murmurs of rebellion are being heard- Mr. Z. A. Bhutto’s threats of mass agitation may not be taken very seriously. But the widespread pent- up feeling in the country against military dictatorship has been accentuated by the hardships caused by certain recent economic measures. It will be an exaggeration to say that economic life in West Pakistan has been disrupted. But shortages of commodities especially tea have begun to make their impact felt. Pakistan normally produces 80 million pounds of tea a year, wholly for internal consumption. This year there is a shortfall of 66 per cent, and it is problematical whether the authorities will spend precious foreign exchange on buying tea in the world market.
The military junta in Islamabad is deeply split and President Yahya Khan is under increasing pressure to quit, according to highly-placed Pakistani sources. Most of the junta is united behind its aim to prevent the secession of East Bengal. They are as “hawkish” as the President himself. •But they have come to realist that a political settlement to prevent secession will be impossible without a change of leadership at the top. In other words, they want to make President Yahya Khan and his commander in East Bengal until recently, General Tikka Khan, scapegoats in a murky behind-the-scenes drama. The split in the junta has deepened with the conclusion of the Soviet treaty and the knowledge that China, even though it has publicly expressed its support for Pakistan, may not be quite willing to give it military aid. These sources recall that China had laid down certain impossible conditions when Pakistan asked for military assistance during the 1965 war with India.
President Yahya Khan’s recent trip to Iran may not be unconnected with developments at home, the sources say. It was prompted by the President’s desire to get a reaffirmation of solidarity from an ally who has helped Pakistan in the past. It is possible that Pakistan has secured Iran’s backing for its case at the United Nations and may even get military hardware on a small scale. Progressive elements in West Pakistan are certain that the army cannot keep East Bengal under its heel for long because of the diflcult communication and supply lines, the increasing guerrilla activity and the hostility of almost the entire population of the province. Pakistan army officers nnd soldiers are fighting almost for the first time nwny from the comforts of their home and, since the Bengalis refuie to sell them moat nnd chicken, do not quite like the idea of subsisting on “dnl” and “chapati”. Some of them at least mny also have a genuine revulsion at the mass killing of their own Muslim brethren. In the circumstances, their morale is bound to crack up sooner or later.
In West Pakistan, too, faint murmurs of rebellion are being heard- Mr. Z. A. Bhutto’s threats of mass agitation may not be taken very seriously. But the widespread pent- up feeling in the country against military dictatorship has been accentuated by the hardships caused by certain recent economic measures. It will be an exaggeration to say that economic life in West Pakistan has been disrupted. But shortages of commodities especially tea have begun to make their impact felt. Pakistan normally produces 80 million pounds of tea a year, wholly for internal consumption. This year there is a shortfall of 66 per cent, and it is problematical whether the authorities will spend precious foreign exchange on buying tea in the world market.
EDITORIAL : THE BENGAL FIRE BY KLAUS NATORP
THE DAILY FRANKFURTER ALLUREMENT ZEITUNG
(West Germany) September 23, 1971
The tragedy in Bengal continues without an end in sight. Is this really unalterable ? The matter has long taken on a * form which makes it impossible to describe the conflict as the “internal affair” of Pakistan. The indescribable suffering, which millions of people in Bengal are undergoing, gives the indirectly concerned parties the right to speak out. But still, what could they do ?
Humanitarian aid is most important and urgent. The care of the East Pakistani refugees in India and the equally numerous afflicted and needy in eastern Bengal could still be greatly improved. But the matter should not rest there. Not only the symptoms of the crisis are to be treated, but also the root of the sickness should be cured. Two requirements are necessary for that: the internal peace in Pakistan, that means, reconciliation of the estranged wings of the state jointly formed in 1947, and the abatement of the dangerous tension, which developed during the course of the East Bengali conflict between the subcontinental neighbors, Pakistan and India. As far as the latter is concerned, lately there have been some signs of relaxation. The danger of war seems to have lessened. Of course, the sounds of fighting can still be heard on both sides, but it seems that in the meantime all responsible persons in New Delhi and Islamabad are convinced that a military confrontation would be a greater disaster for both countries than the present situation, which resulted from the violent suppression of the Bengali liberation movement.
The Soviet treaty, signed on August 9, also seem to have played a role in decreasing the danger of war. The Soviet Union would like to prevent any chaotic clashes in the immediate vicinity of her southern border, especially any kind that the Chinese could possibly benefit from. And even if at first, it seemed that Moscow bias preferred to side with India and the movement for an independent Bangladesh, which is so vehemently supported in India, it however, became soon evident, that the Soviet leaders are really trying to consequently follow equal treatment of India and Pakistan, which was initiated in 1966 in Tashkent. Moreover, just recently she announced her interest in the preservation of a stable Pakistan and even documented this position through the continuation of her development aid. This probably had a sobering effect on India. Naturally, the Indo Soviet treaty also had a cooling effect on Pakistan. The Government in Islamabad would have to reckon with constant international involvement, if it meddles with India.
However, the danger of an armed conflict between the sub-continental states has not passed, because the origin of the tension still exists. The partisans of the East Bengal liberation movement, who mainly operate from India, are a constant vexation for Pakistan. During counter fights, border viola¬tions can easily occur, which could then result in even greater fighting. With the end of the monsoon the civil war parties will have a greater chance for advance. An increase in clashes can be expected.
Therefore, a neutral mediator is urgently needed, who could bring India and Pakistan to the negotiation table, before new critical incidents arise. On such an occasion the subject would also have to be discussed how the East Pakistani refugees could be hastened to return to their homes. Their permanent maintenance is an unbearable burden for India. Naturally, the subject of the internal situation of Pakistan would come up, thereby making it all the more difficult. Be¬cause the refugees would only return if they could be sure that they would be safe there and the West Pakistani troops would be in their barracks.
But Pakistan would not be willing to discuss the internal situation in Bengal, even with an unbiased agent. Namely, because then the Government in Islamabad would have to admit, that the reconciliation of the western wing with the eastern wing—the already mentioned number one requirement —still lies far off, if it is at all possible. The majority of the population still consider the West Pakistani soldiers as an occupation army and looks upon the civilian administration, which was appointed by them, as traitors. They offer passive and active resistance—even without Indian support. Their idol is and remains the imprisoned Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. If he and the other leaders of the Awami League are not also included in President Yahya Khan’s general amnesty, then the chances for an internal settlement are quite slight. Without a new start, it will be impossible to break through the vicious circle of military suppression, resistance, retaliation, sabotage, flight, hunger, disease and what other terrible things it may store. But so far too little has happen¬ed to encourage Pakistan to make a new start.
(West Germany) September 23, 1971
The tragedy in Bengal continues without an end in sight. Is this really unalterable ? The matter has long taken on a * form which makes it impossible to describe the conflict as the “internal affair” of Pakistan. The indescribable suffering, which millions of people in Bengal are undergoing, gives the indirectly concerned parties the right to speak out. But still, what could they do ?
Humanitarian aid is most important and urgent. The care of the East Pakistani refugees in India and the equally numerous afflicted and needy in eastern Bengal could still be greatly improved. But the matter should not rest there. Not only the symptoms of the crisis are to be treated, but also the root of the sickness should be cured. Two requirements are necessary for that: the internal peace in Pakistan, that means, reconciliation of the estranged wings of the state jointly formed in 1947, and the abatement of the dangerous tension, which developed during the course of the East Bengali conflict between the subcontinental neighbors, Pakistan and India. As far as the latter is concerned, lately there have been some signs of relaxation. The danger of war seems to have lessened. Of course, the sounds of fighting can still be heard on both sides, but it seems that in the meantime all responsible persons in New Delhi and Islamabad are convinced that a military confrontation would be a greater disaster for both countries than the present situation, which resulted from the violent suppression of the Bengali liberation movement.
The Soviet treaty, signed on August 9, also seem to have played a role in decreasing the danger of war. The Soviet Union would like to prevent any chaotic clashes in the immediate vicinity of her southern border, especially any kind that the Chinese could possibly benefit from. And even if at first, it seemed that Moscow bias preferred to side with India and the movement for an independent Bangladesh, which is so vehemently supported in India, it however, became soon evident, that the Soviet leaders are really trying to consequently follow equal treatment of India and Pakistan, which was initiated in 1966 in Tashkent. Moreover, just recently she announced her interest in the preservation of a stable Pakistan and even documented this position through the continuation of her development aid. This probably had a sobering effect on India. Naturally, the Indo Soviet treaty also had a cooling effect on Pakistan. The Government in Islamabad would have to reckon with constant international involvement, if it meddles with India.
However, the danger of an armed conflict between the sub-continental states has not passed, because the origin of the tension still exists. The partisans of the East Bengal liberation movement, who mainly operate from India, are a constant vexation for Pakistan. During counter fights, border viola¬tions can easily occur, which could then result in even greater fighting. With the end of the monsoon the civil war parties will have a greater chance for advance. An increase in clashes can be expected.
Therefore, a neutral mediator is urgently needed, who could bring India and Pakistan to the negotiation table, before new critical incidents arise. On such an occasion the subject would also have to be discussed how the East Pakistani refugees could be hastened to return to their homes. Their permanent maintenance is an unbearable burden for India. Naturally, the subject of the internal situation of Pakistan would come up, thereby making it all the more difficult. Be¬cause the refugees would only return if they could be sure that they would be safe there and the West Pakistani troops would be in their barracks.
But Pakistan would not be willing to discuss the internal situation in Bengal, even with an unbiased agent. Namely, because then the Government in Islamabad would have to admit, that the reconciliation of the western wing with the eastern wing—the already mentioned number one requirement —still lies far off, if it is at all possible. The majority of the population still consider the West Pakistani soldiers as an occupation army and looks upon the civilian administration, which was appointed by them, as traitors. They offer passive and active resistance—even without Indian support. Their idol is and remains the imprisoned Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. If he and the other leaders of the Awami League are not also included in President Yahya Khan’s general amnesty, then the chances for an internal settlement are quite slight. Without a new start, it will be impossible to break through the vicious circle of military suppression, resistance, retaliation, sabotage, flight, hunger, disease and what other terrible things it may store. But so far too little has happen¬ed to encourage Pakistan to make a new start.
PAKISTANIS FEEL YAHYA’S APPLECART WILL TOPPLE REPORT BY SUNDER KABADI FROM LONDON
THE DAILY AMRITA BAZAR PATRIKA (Calcutta) September 23, 1971
West Pakistani supporters of Yahya Khan are dismayed to learn that Bhutto has stated that Pakistani Army com¬mitted genocide in Bangladesh. That is the interpretation they have put on Bhutto’s statement that he would not give opportunity to Yahya Khan to kill people in West Pakistan as he did in Bangladesh. They have also noted that since he started his dialogue with the President, Bhutto has avoided 'criticizing Awami Leaguers of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In fact, he has gone out of his way to offend Pakistani President by stating that he appointed his stooge, Dr. Malik as the civilian governor who has no claim to represent the people of Bangladesh.
It is also recalled that earlier in the year when Yahya Khan opened dialogue with him and Sheikh Mujibur, it is Bhutto who suggested that he should be allow¬ed to rule over West Pakistan and Sheikh Mujibur should be given control of East Bengal. These West Pakistanis main¬tain Bhutto had thus conceded the right of East Bengal to secede.
These West Pakistanis blame Yahya Khan for allowing Bhutto to grow into a monster. They fear unless their President curbed Bhutto’s activities West Pakistan will soon be¬come a cauldron which may shake the military junta. It may not be of same dimension as the one which has resulted in creation of Bangladesh as a separate nation. But its repercussions might finally result in break up of even that part of West Pakistan with its regions wanting to be autonomous.
One West Pakistani who is here for medical treatment for the past three months commented, “we are on the edge of yet another volcano. It may erupt any moment and it may swallow in its strides both Yahya Khan and Bhutto.”
To my query how Yahya Khan can avoid the coming storm, his reply was emphatic. He asked me to read Peter Shore’s views who have stated that Pakistanis are now desperate men and may find escape in having a war against India.
My knowledgeable informant thinks Pakistan’s military clique is deluding itself in believing that if Pakistan declared war on India she will receive every possible aid from China. Whatever China might have said publicly to encourage Pakistan to believe that she can count on her support he has fairly good knowledge about working of the Chinese mind. He had been to Peking as well as to Moscow and he is convinced that in the last analysis neither Mao Tungsten nor Chou En-lai would like to draw chestnuts out of fire for the 23 families which control economy of Pakistan and the fate of the people of Pakistan in their hands. Moreover, if past experience is any guide to assess Chinese mind leaders in Peking; have not much trust in the competence of West Pakistan to wage war against India. They are not convinced that Pakis¬tan did not cry halt without reason of self preservation last, time when Indian forces were at the gates of Lahore. And even if Chinese leadership intervened on the side of Pakistan there is no sure guarantee that Yahya will not be another Ayub to submit himself to another Tashkent.
This West Pakistani recalled with pride his early days in Uttar Pradesh where he and Indira Gandhi had played hide and seek. He said, “She is really good at this game. The treaty with Soviet Union is a master stroke and it will yield useful dividend”.
I asked him how long he proposes to stay in Britain and his reply was cryptic: “as long as Allah desires me to be here to see you and other friends from India.” From his chat it was obvious to me that no useful purpose would be served by his return home so long as the grip of Pakistani militarists had not been eased. In his own way he is trying to assist that process in Britain and it seems that in next two or three months the world of Yahya Khan will crash. He agrees with Peter Shore that by his stupidity Yahya Khan himself has destroy¬ed Pakistan which Jinnah created. He would not blame the people of Bangladesh or any other external force for the eventual disappearance of the so-called Islamic State.
West Pakistani supporters of Yahya Khan are dismayed to learn that Bhutto has stated that Pakistani Army com¬mitted genocide in Bangladesh. That is the interpretation they have put on Bhutto’s statement that he would not give opportunity to Yahya Khan to kill people in West Pakistan as he did in Bangladesh. They have also noted that since he started his dialogue with the President, Bhutto has avoided 'criticizing Awami Leaguers of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In fact, he has gone out of his way to offend Pakistani President by stating that he appointed his stooge, Dr. Malik as the civilian governor who has no claim to represent the people of Bangladesh.
It is also recalled that earlier in the year when Yahya Khan opened dialogue with him and Sheikh Mujibur, it is Bhutto who suggested that he should be allow¬ed to rule over West Pakistan and Sheikh Mujibur should be given control of East Bengal. These West Pakistanis main¬tain Bhutto had thus conceded the right of East Bengal to secede.
These West Pakistanis blame Yahya Khan for allowing Bhutto to grow into a monster. They fear unless their President curbed Bhutto’s activities West Pakistan will soon be¬come a cauldron which may shake the military junta. It may not be of same dimension as the one which has resulted in creation of Bangladesh as a separate nation. But its repercussions might finally result in break up of even that part of West Pakistan with its regions wanting to be autonomous.
One West Pakistani who is here for medical treatment for the past three months commented, “we are on the edge of yet another volcano. It may erupt any moment and it may swallow in its strides both Yahya Khan and Bhutto.”
To my query how Yahya Khan can avoid the coming storm, his reply was emphatic. He asked me to read Peter Shore’s views who have stated that Pakistanis are now desperate men and may find escape in having a war against India.
My knowledgeable informant thinks Pakistan’s military clique is deluding itself in believing that if Pakistan declared war on India she will receive every possible aid from China. Whatever China might have said publicly to encourage Pakistan to believe that she can count on her support he has fairly good knowledge about working of the Chinese mind. He had been to Peking as well as to Moscow and he is convinced that in the last analysis neither Mao Tungsten nor Chou En-lai would like to draw chestnuts out of fire for the 23 families which control economy of Pakistan and the fate of the people of Pakistan in their hands. Moreover, if past experience is any guide to assess Chinese mind leaders in Peking; have not much trust in the competence of West Pakistan to wage war against India. They are not convinced that Pakis¬tan did not cry halt without reason of self preservation last, time when Indian forces were at the gates of Lahore. And even if Chinese leadership intervened on the side of Pakistan there is no sure guarantee that Yahya will not be another Ayub to submit himself to another Tashkent.
This West Pakistani recalled with pride his early days in Uttar Pradesh where he and Indira Gandhi had played hide and seek. He said, “She is really good at this game. The treaty with Soviet Union is a master stroke and it will yield useful dividend”.
I asked him how long he proposes to stay in Britain and his reply was cryptic: “as long as Allah desires me to be here to see you and other friends from India.” From his chat it was obvious to me that no useful purpose would be served by his return home so long as the grip of Pakistani militarists had not been eased. In his own way he is trying to assist that process in Britain and it seems that in next two or three months the world of Yahya Khan will crash. He agrees with Peter Shore that by his stupidity Yahya Khan himself has destroy¬ed Pakistan which Jinnah created. He would not blame the people of Bangladesh or any other external force for the eventual disappearance of the so-called Islamic State.
U.S. NEWS AND WORLD PRESS
U.S. NEWS AND WORLD PRESS THE 25th NOVEMBER, 1971
Washington Post’s Carroll Kilpatrick, reporting from San Clemente said that the White House is considering the possibility of taking the India-Pakistan issue to the Security Council, the issue is a delicate one for President Nixon. He wrote that if the issue is taken to the Council it could result .acrimonious debate among the great powers without having any practical impact on India and Pakistan. Kilpatrick continued: “If allowed to. .however, there is an adverse effect on great-power relationships, since all are deeply interested in the shifting power balance in South Asia, with China supporting Pakistan and the Soviet Union supporting India. An all- out war in the area could even force the President to cancel 'his plans to visit Peking and Moscow next year.”
N.Y. Times special from San Clemente said Western influence in India and Pakistan has been declining while Russia has strengthened its ties with India and the Chinese their support for Pakistan. The story said “accordingly it is thought that a •concerted effort in the Security Council to bring the India - Pakistan dispute under control might have more chance of success than diplomatic initiatives undertaken by the United States alone.”
Washington Post’s Anthony Astrachan at the United Nations said “some third world ambassadors said Pakistan did not want Council action because impartial investigation would reveal the extent to which Pakistan had exaggerated the scale
of the fighting, if not the degree of Indian involvement
Third world ambassadors say India expects the ultimate outcome to suit its strategic aims of weakening Pakistan if the United Nations does not intervene.”
N.Y. Times’ Henry Tanner at the United Nations said Pakistan was still reluctant to call for a Council meeting because she is uncertain whether she would get the necessary support from the Big Powers. Tanner said UN officials said it would be the “height of irresponsibility” for Secretary- General Thant to call for a meeting knowing that the principal members of the Council were deadlocked on the issue. Tanner said “Pakistan, it is reported, does not want to go into the Council if all she can obtain is a resolution calling for an im¬mediate cease-fire. This would freeze the present military positions and make it impossible for the Pakistani army to press its fight against the guerrilla forces.”
N.Y. Times’ Benjamin Welles in Washington said President Nixon reportedly was contemplating a personal appeal to President Yahya to release Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from prison and to seek, by personal negotiations, a peaceful solu-tion to the crisis in East Pakistan.' Welles said “the report that Mr. Nixon was weighing a personal appeal to President Yahya Khan—which came from highly placed sources could not immediately be confirmed. A White House spokesman declined to comment and senior State Department officials said that they knew of no such plan in the immediate future.”
Washington Post’s Robert Trautman, reporting on Secretary Roger’s Wednesday meeting in Washington with Indian and Pakistani diplomats, said “the State Department maintained silence on the direction U.S. diplomatic moves were taking, although acknowledging that the United States was in touch with the Soviet Union.”
Baltimore Sun’s Charles W. Corddry also reporting on the Rogers meeting, said “authoritative sources here accept that there is Indian support for the Mukti Bahini, the East Pakistani independence fighters operating from Indian territory.... The degree of the operating support and the extent of the fighting are both unclear, officials still were saying yesterday (Wednesday).”
Baltimore Sun’s John E. Woodruff in New Delhi reported Western diplomatic sources said Indian forces are understood to be withdrawing to Indian territory after making relatively brief incursions, sometimes lasting only hours. He continued: “most diplomats here are apparently interpreting India’s activities to date as a step-up within an over all Indian strategy of applying military pressure at levels calculated to be too low to require any all-out war by Pakistan. These are described as an all-out Indian initiated war on Pakistan and a continuation of the Pakistani army’s terror in East Bengal.
N.Y. Times James P. Sterba in Dacca reported a senior Pakistani military commander as saying there were only scattered shelling and harassing attacks Thursday along the East Pakistani border.
N.Y. Times Sydney H. Schanberg in Calcutta, reporting Indian sources feel that Pakistani troops are being hurt so badly that President Yahya will have to react soon with a declaration of war, wrote: These sources do not now
think his reaction will be a meek withdrawal from East Pakistan ”
Some foreign diplomats seem to share the Indian sources’ view that Pakistan may opt for full-scale war as the only face-saving way out of its apparently desperate
situation... .Some observers think that India may be trying to provoke Pakistan into declaring war as a way to solve the Indian predicament.”
N.Y. Times’ Max Frankel, on a world trip, wrote from New Delhi: “Influential Indian officials now acknowledge that they are resolved to apply as much military pressure as necessary short of all-out war to help wrest East Bengal from the control of embattled Pakistani forces there. The effort may take weeks or even a few months, these officials say, but they are confident that it has gained them the advantage in the eight-month-old duel over the eastern portion of
Pakistan. They think the coordinated challenge by their
army and East Bengal insurgents has left Pakistan’s military leaders with only a bitter choice between a politically humiliating or militarily devastating path to partition of their country.”
Washington Post in a story compiled from news dispatches and the N.Y. Times with an Associated Press item from Rawalpindi reported, informed sources said, that the Soviet Unio,n delivered a notice to President Yahya demanding that Pakistan come to political terms with the Bengali insurgents..
N.Y. Times carried an A.P. report from Belgrade, based on a Tanjug dispatch from Peking, quoting Premier Chou is expressing concern over “military provocation” by India against Pakistan. The A.P. said that Peking’s press, while reporting an “invasion” by India, has shown a notable restraint in the last few days.
N.Y. Times Thursday carried a brief “background of the conflict,” a factual summary under the headings “historical,” “the conflicts,” and “the present crisis”.
Christian Science Monitor’s David Winder at the U.N. wrote it is now readily apparent that the East Pakistani guerrillas are able to hamper internal communications and curtail the U.N. relief programmer within East Pakistan. He concluded: “There is a general consensus that the only permanent solution to the massive refugee problem would be a political settlement in East Pakistan that would encourage refugees to return to situation of normalcy. Thus far officials estimate that only a paltry 200,000 refugees have returned.”
Christian Science Monitor’s Henry S. Hayward in Hong Kong wrote that several points are now clear amid conflicting reports on the India-Pakistan undeclared war: “One point is that the Indians have indeed been fighting Pakistanis. This despite official Indian protestations that, with the exception of one border skirmish, only the rebel East Pakistani Mukti Bahini have been involved. Another clear fact is that both sides have exaggerated the magnitude of attacks already supposedly launched against them. And both sides have been less than candid about their own offensive moves.”
Wall Street Journal’s Peter R. Kann in Dcicca wrote that a full-scale war this year or next between India and Pakistan would be longer and bloodier than the 1965 one. “Analysts say both countries are considerably stronger than they were in 1965; India is believed less amenable to any international calls for a cease-fire; a war now would see heavy fighting on both the eastern and the western fronts rather than only in the West as in 1965, and bitter civil war raging in East Pakistan adds a bloody chapter.
New Dimension
Kann said the real roots of the current crisis are sunk deep in the poverty, misery and frustrations, the prejudices and passions not only of East Pakistan but also of the entire sub-continent.
Washington Post’s Lee Lescaze in Akhaura, East Pakistan, noted official Pakistani claims that the two nations were already unofficially at war. Well informed sources in Dacca said yesterday (Nov. 24) that the situation was not as serious as the initial reaction indicated. Lescaze reported tllat one inquirer was told by a senior Pakistani official that “it is not yet time to evacuate Dacca.”
Baltimore Sun carried an Associated Press story from Washington that widespread famine in East Pakistan has been averted at least temporarily by emergency international aid and an expected heavy rice harvest. The A.P. said A.I.D. officials, in reporting this, cautioned that widespread fighting could quickly worsen the food situation again
Washington Post’s Carroll Kilpatrick, reporting from San Clemente said that the White House is considering the possibility of taking the India-Pakistan issue to the Security Council, the issue is a delicate one for President Nixon. He wrote that if the issue is taken to the Council it could result .acrimonious debate among the great powers without having any practical impact on India and Pakistan. Kilpatrick continued: “If allowed to. .however, there is an adverse effect on great-power relationships, since all are deeply interested in the shifting power balance in South Asia, with China supporting Pakistan and the Soviet Union supporting India. An all- out war in the area could even force the President to cancel 'his plans to visit Peking and Moscow next year.”
N.Y. Times special from San Clemente said Western influence in India and Pakistan has been declining while Russia has strengthened its ties with India and the Chinese their support for Pakistan. The story said “accordingly it is thought that a •concerted effort in the Security Council to bring the India - Pakistan dispute under control might have more chance of success than diplomatic initiatives undertaken by the United States alone.”
Washington Post’s Anthony Astrachan at the United Nations said “some third world ambassadors said Pakistan did not want Council action because impartial investigation would reveal the extent to which Pakistan had exaggerated the scale
of the fighting, if not the degree of Indian involvement
Third world ambassadors say India expects the ultimate outcome to suit its strategic aims of weakening Pakistan if the United Nations does not intervene.”
N.Y. Times’ Henry Tanner at the United Nations said Pakistan was still reluctant to call for a Council meeting because she is uncertain whether she would get the necessary support from the Big Powers. Tanner said UN officials said it would be the “height of irresponsibility” for Secretary- General Thant to call for a meeting knowing that the principal members of the Council were deadlocked on the issue. Tanner said “Pakistan, it is reported, does not want to go into the Council if all she can obtain is a resolution calling for an im¬mediate cease-fire. This would freeze the present military positions and make it impossible for the Pakistani army to press its fight against the guerrilla forces.”
N.Y. Times’ Benjamin Welles in Washington said President Nixon reportedly was contemplating a personal appeal to President Yahya to release Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from prison and to seek, by personal negotiations, a peaceful solu-tion to the crisis in East Pakistan.' Welles said “the report that Mr. Nixon was weighing a personal appeal to President Yahya Khan—which came from highly placed sources could not immediately be confirmed. A White House spokesman declined to comment and senior State Department officials said that they knew of no such plan in the immediate future.”
Washington Post’s Robert Trautman, reporting on Secretary Roger’s Wednesday meeting in Washington with Indian and Pakistani diplomats, said “the State Department maintained silence on the direction U.S. diplomatic moves were taking, although acknowledging that the United States was in touch with the Soviet Union.”
Baltimore Sun’s Charles W. Corddry also reporting on the Rogers meeting, said “authoritative sources here accept that there is Indian support for the Mukti Bahini, the East Pakistani independence fighters operating from Indian territory.... The degree of the operating support and the extent of the fighting are both unclear, officials still were saying yesterday (Wednesday).”
Baltimore Sun’s John E. Woodruff in New Delhi reported Western diplomatic sources said Indian forces are understood to be withdrawing to Indian territory after making relatively brief incursions, sometimes lasting only hours. He continued: “most diplomats here are apparently interpreting India’s activities to date as a step-up within an over all Indian strategy of applying military pressure at levels calculated to be too low to require any all-out war by Pakistan. These are described as an all-out Indian initiated war on Pakistan and a continuation of the Pakistani army’s terror in East Bengal.
N.Y. Times James P. Sterba in Dacca reported a senior Pakistani military commander as saying there were only scattered shelling and harassing attacks Thursday along the East Pakistani border.
N.Y. Times Sydney H. Schanberg in Calcutta, reporting Indian sources feel that Pakistani troops are being hurt so badly that President Yahya will have to react soon with a declaration of war, wrote: These sources do not now
think his reaction will be a meek withdrawal from East Pakistan ”
Some foreign diplomats seem to share the Indian sources’ view that Pakistan may opt for full-scale war as the only face-saving way out of its apparently desperate
situation... .Some observers think that India may be trying to provoke Pakistan into declaring war as a way to solve the Indian predicament.”
N.Y. Times’ Max Frankel, on a world trip, wrote from New Delhi: “Influential Indian officials now acknowledge that they are resolved to apply as much military pressure as necessary short of all-out war to help wrest East Bengal from the control of embattled Pakistani forces there. The effort may take weeks or even a few months, these officials say, but they are confident that it has gained them the advantage in the eight-month-old duel over the eastern portion of
Pakistan. They think the coordinated challenge by their
army and East Bengal insurgents has left Pakistan’s military leaders with only a bitter choice between a politically humiliating or militarily devastating path to partition of their country.”
Washington Post in a story compiled from news dispatches and the N.Y. Times with an Associated Press item from Rawalpindi reported, informed sources said, that the Soviet Unio,n delivered a notice to President Yahya demanding that Pakistan come to political terms with the Bengali insurgents..
N.Y. Times carried an A.P. report from Belgrade, based on a Tanjug dispatch from Peking, quoting Premier Chou is expressing concern over “military provocation” by India against Pakistan. The A.P. said that Peking’s press, while reporting an “invasion” by India, has shown a notable restraint in the last few days.
N.Y. Times Thursday carried a brief “background of the conflict,” a factual summary under the headings “historical,” “the conflicts,” and “the present crisis”.
Christian Science Monitor’s David Winder at the U.N. wrote it is now readily apparent that the East Pakistani guerrillas are able to hamper internal communications and curtail the U.N. relief programmer within East Pakistan. He concluded: “There is a general consensus that the only permanent solution to the massive refugee problem would be a political settlement in East Pakistan that would encourage refugees to return to situation of normalcy. Thus far officials estimate that only a paltry 200,000 refugees have returned.”
Christian Science Monitor’s Henry S. Hayward in Hong Kong wrote that several points are now clear amid conflicting reports on the India-Pakistan undeclared war: “One point is that the Indians have indeed been fighting Pakistanis. This despite official Indian protestations that, with the exception of one border skirmish, only the rebel East Pakistani Mukti Bahini have been involved. Another clear fact is that both sides have exaggerated the magnitude of attacks already supposedly launched against them. And both sides have been less than candid about their own offensive moves.”
Wall Street Journal’s Peter R. Kann in Dcicca wrote that a full-scale war this year or next between India and Pakistan would be longer and bloodier than the 1965 one. “Analysts say both countries are considerably stronger than they were in 1965; India is believed less amenable to any international calls for a cease-fire; a war now would see heavy fighting on both the eastern and the western fronts rather than only in the West as in 1965, and bitter civil war raging in East Pakistan adds a bloody chapter.
New Dimension
Kann said the real roots of the current crisis are sunk deep in the poverty, misery and frustrations, the prejudices and passions not only of East Pakistan but also of the entire sub-continent.
Washington Post’s Lee Lescaze in Akhaura, East Pakistan, noted official Pakistani claims that the two nations were already unofficially at war. Well informed sources in Dacca said yesterday (Nov. 24) that the situation was not as serious as the initial reaction indicated. Lescaze reported tllat one inquirer was told by a senior Pakistani official that “it is not yet time to evacuate Dacca.”
Baltimore Sun carried an Associated Press story from Washington that widespread famine in East Pakistan has been averted at least temporarily by emergency international aid and an expected heavy rice harvest. The A.P. said A.I.D. officials, in reporting this, cautioned that widespread fighting could quickly worsen the food situation again
BANGLA DESH STRUGGLE: VICTORY ASSURED— NOW TASK IS TO HASTEN IT BY PRABHAT DAS GUPTA
THE WEEKLY NEW AGE (New Delhi) September 26, 1971
Last week we analyses the results of six months of fighting in Bangladesh and found that militarily the position of the Pak army can be made untenable if the present attrition rate is stepped up. Victory is no longer in doubt; the task now is to hasten it- But to do that several pitfalls are to be avoided and several lacunae are to be made up. The most dangerous pitfall ahead is the attempt by some imperialist powers to force the leaders of the struggle into a compromise on the key question of complete independence. From some time past USA, through its various agents, has been putting pressure on the leaders of Bangladesh to give up the demand for complete independence and settle with Yahya Khan on the basis of some measure of provincial autonomy.
Some leaders of Bangladesh who had gone weary of the struggle were inclined to pursue this proposal. But the others overruled them. The formation of the five-party cabinet consultative committee to conduct the liberation struggle finally stalled this move- The US lobby has now renewed its ‘peace’ offensive on a much bigger scale. Simultaneously Yahya Khan has begun his ‘civilization’ drive. The dangers inherent in Yahya’s recent moves are to be under-estimated and brushed aside as moves to impress his Western masters only- These moves are very much directed at Bangladesh and if the leaders of Bangladesh are not careful it may very well disrupt their ranks.
Yahya tried all means to settle the Bangladesh issue in his favor. He tried a quick military solution ; the freedom fighters got him bogged into an expensive long drawn out war. He wanted to collect a respectable number of collaborators, to foist a puppet government on Bangladesh ; but stooges were in short supply. He tried to internationalist the conflict through the UNO ; but most of the big powers refused to get involved. He threatened war on India ; the Indo-Soviet Treaty sobered him down. With all other options exhausted Yahya is now trying to reopen a dialogue with the leaders of Bangladesh so that he can persuade at least a section of them to compromise on the basis of some measure of provincial autonomy. In this regard Yahya is ably guided and assisted by the USA, with Iran and some other countries acting as honest brokers. Yahya has taken some shrewd measures to pave the way for reopening a dialogue with the leaders of Bangladesh- One of such measures is the recent decision to apportion 54 per cent of accruals from central taxes to East Bengal. More such measures may follow and one should not be surprised if Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is released and invited for talks.
One should not also be surprised if a stage-managed palace coup in Islamabad removes Yahya from president ship and installs someone else in his place to create a ‘‘proper psychological atmosphere” for reopening talks with Bangladesh leaders.
All these are likely to be on the cards to soften Bangladesh leaders or at least a section of them to agree to give up the demand of complete independence and settle for provincial autonomy. A compromise on the key issue of complete independence is thus main danger before the liberation struggle of Bangladesh. If this happens it will be a departure from the declaration of independence made by Sheikh Mujib before his arrest and the formal declaration of independence made at Mujibnagar on April 17. This will also violate the broadcast of the Acting President, Nazrul Islam, on June 6 and the oath to carry the fight to complete victory taken at the conference of Awami League MNAs and MPAs in early July.
But it is highly doubtful if Yahya or any of his mentors -will ever succeed in pulling off such a compromise, for the wall of human corpses which now separate Bangladesh from Pakistan can not just be washed away. And what more, the thousands of student and peasant youths who have taken up arms to win freedom are most unlikely to lay down their arms for a promise of provincial autonomy which was once made before the fateful March 25 and rejected by the leaders and people of Bangladesh- So it may be taken that the fight will continue till victory.
To hasten victory the thousands of young men who are now streaming into the training camps should be given adequate training. Recruitment to the Mukti Bahini is no longer a problem for literally thousands are coming in every day. What is lacking is a proper arrangement to train them. The seriousness of this problem has been underlined by the tragic episode of a group of young men from Faridpur. They trekked from camp to camp for training. But each was brimful and there was no room for them. Heart-broken they went back to fend for themselves. On the way 52 of them were butchered by the Pak army. The urgent task of the moment therefore, is to open more camps to accommodate and train the thousands of young men who are prepared to make any sacrifice to win freedom. The second major problem is of equipment. The Mukti Bahini has now proved beyond doubt that it can hit at the enemy anywhere in Bangladesh. Rut it is handicapped by lack of adequate fire power. Given better fire power Mukti Bahini is now in a position to decimate the Pak army at a rate which will soon cripple it. To hasten victory improving the fire power of the Mukti Bahini is a must. In matter of equipment the other major handicaps are transport and medical aid. Lack of adequate transport is hampering the mobility of the Mukti Bahini, some times with disastrous result. For example, the heavy casualty suffered by the Mukti Bahini at Bherigaon on July 22 was almost entirely due to lack of transport which prevented the two arms of the attacking force to synchronize their attacks. Lack -of medical facilities is causing many deaths which otherwise could have been avoided.
There is hardly any first aid available to the Mukti Bahini during operation. There is no stretcher or ambulance and no base hospital- The wounded are carried on the shoulders of their comrades or on improvised stretchers made of ropes and bamboo poles. The nearest hospital would be miles away from the place of operation. And by the time the wounded is carried to the hospital he is dead from blood letting. It goes to the credit of the boys of the Mukti Bahini that even such avoidable deaths have not affected their morale. Friends of Bangladesh owe it to these brave boys to make better medical facilities available to them. Even a slight improvement in the present situation can save many precious lives. Lack of sufficient coordination between different fighting units is another problem which is affecting the smooth progress of the operation. Due to lack of such coordination efforts of the fighting units are sometimes wasted. Cases have also been reported when safety of fighting units was jeopardized due to lack of coordination between units operating in the same sector. The problem of better coordination is essentially a political problem of unity among different fighting units. In many places the exigencies of the situation have bought all the fighting groups together and forced them to set up joint commands. But unfortunately this is still to be the general pattern everywhere. The newly formed five-party Cabinet Consultative Committee will make a big contribution to early victory if it can enforce a united command in all the sectors.
Guerrilla warfare is essentially a political warfare in which proper political motivation of the fighters and the people is indefensible for victory. Unfortunately this has remained a weak spot of the Bangladesh struggle till today- The chief motivation of the fighters and the people till today is hatred of the enemy, of the West Pakistani Punjabi army to be more precise. Hatred in a people’s war is sacred. It comes from a deep love for one’s own people and gives one the grit and determination to stick on to the end. But hatred should not be so blind as to lead one to confuse between friends and foes. All Pakistanis and all Punjabis for that matter are not the enemies of Bangladesh. It is the feudal lords and monopolists of West Pakistan represented by the military junta that the people of Bangladesh are fighting. It will be a folly to extend the circle of the enemy by including the common people of West Pakistan into it- The anti¬imperialist content of the Bangladesh struggle is also not properly emphasized by some of its leaders. The government and the army which are now raping Bangladesh is supported, armed, equipped, sustained and protected by US imperialism.
But strangely enough no one has so far heard of a word of condemnation of the US imperialists from a section of the Bangladesh leaders. On the contrary there is an attempt to sow illusions about the US government in the minds of the people of Bangladesh.
No liberation war can‘be fought, let alone won, if the people are not properly educated about the enemy and its allies. Any confusion or blindness about the enemy can only lead the people into the enemy’s trap. The war in Bangladesh has been fought for six months and now with victory no longer in doubt it is essential that the leaders of the struggle spell out their objectives in some more detail so that people may know what kind of Bangladesh they shall live in after victory is won.
Two constituents of the liberation struggle, namely the Communist Party of Bangladesh and the National Awami Party (Muzaffar ) have already announced their programmed. But such programmed are yet to come from the Awami League and the Bhashani NAP. Unless such clear programmatic declarations are made by the leading parties of the struggle the basic masses cannot be fully mobilized in the struggle. There is no doubt that the Bangladesh is a people’s struggle. But active physical participation of the masses of peasants is still inadequate. This deficiency cannot be made up unless the peasantry is roused on a programmed which they will consider their own. These are some of the major weaknesses of the struggle which need immediate attention by the leaders. The people of Bangladesh are now on their way to victory. The sooner these weaknesses are remedied the quicker will be the victory.
Last week we analyses the results of six months of fighting in Bangladesh and found that militarily the position of the Pak army can be made untenable if the present attrition rate is stepped up. Victory is no longer in doubt; the task now is to hasten it- But to do that several pitfalls are to be avoided and several lacunae are to be made up. The most dangerous pitfall ahead is the attempt by some imperialist powers to force the leaders of the struggle into a compromise on the key question of complete independence. From some time past USA, through its various agents, has been putting pressure on the leaders of Bangladesh to give up the demand for complete independence and settle with Yahya Khan on the basis of some measure of provincial autonomy.
Some leaders of Bangladesh who had gone weary of the struggle were inclined to pursue this proposal. But the others overruled them. The formation of the five-party cabinet consultative committee to conduct the liberation struggle finally stalled this move- The US lobby has now renewed its ‘peace’ offensive on a much bigger scale. Simultaneously Yahya Khan has begun his ‘civilization’ drive. The dangers inherent in Yahya’s recent moves are to be under-estimated and brushed aside as moves to impress his Western masters only- These moves are very much directed at Bangladesh and if the leaders of Bangladesh are not careful it may very well disrupt their ranks.
Yahya tried all means to settle the Bangladesh issue in his favor. He tried a quick military solution ; the freedom fighters got him bogged into an expensive long drawn out war. He wanted to collect a respectable number of collaborators, to foist a puppet government on Bangladesh ; but stooges were in short supply. He tried to internationalist the conflict through the UNO ; but most of the big powers refused to get involved. He threatened war on India ; the Indo-Soviet Treaty sobered him down. With all other options exhausted Yahya is now trying to reopen a dialogue with the leaders of Bangladesh so that he can persuade at least a section of them to compromise on the basis of some measure of provincial autonomy. In this regard Yahya is ably guided and assisted by the USA, with Iran and some other countries acting as honest brokers. Yahya has taken some shrewd measures to pave the way for reopening a dialogue with the leaders of Bangladesh- One of such measures is the recent decision to apportion 54 per cent of accruals from central taxes to East Bengal. More such measures may follow and one should not be surprised if Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is released and invited for talks.
One should not also be surprised if a stage-managed palace coup in Islamabad removes Yahya from president ship and installs someone else in his place to create a ‘‘proper psychological atmosphere” for reopening talks with Bangladesh leaders.
All these are likely to be on the cards to soften Bangladesh leaders or at least a section of them to agree to give up the demand of complete independence and settle for provincial autonomy. A compromise on the key issue of complete independence is thus main danger before the liberation struggle of Bangladesh. If this happens it will be a departure from the declaration of independence made by Sheikh Mujib before his arrest and the formal declaration of independence made at Mujibnagar on April 17. This will also violate the broadcast of the Acting President, Nazrul Islam, on June 6 and the oath to carry the fight to complete victory taken at the conference of Awami League MNAs and MPAs in early July.
But it is highly doubtful if Yahya or any of his mentors -will ever succeed in pulling off such a compromise, for the wall of human corpses which now separate Bangladesh from Pakistan can not just be washed away. And what more, the thousands of student and peasant youths who have taken up arms to win freedom are most unlikely to lay down their arms for a promise of provincial autonomy which was once made before the fateful March 25 and rejected by the leaders and people of Bangladesh- So it may be taken that the fight will continue till victory.
To hasten victory the thousands of young men who are now streaming into the training camps should be given adequate training. Recruitment to the Mukti Bahini is no longer a problem for literally thousands are coming in every day. What is lacking is a proper arrangement to train them. The seriousness of this problem has been underlined by the tragic episode of a group of young men from Faridpur. They trekked from camp to camp for training. But each was brimful and there was no room for them. Heart-broken they went back to fend for themselves. On the way 52 of them were butchered by the Pak army. The urgent task of the moment therefore, is to open more camps to accommodate and train the thousands of young men who are prepared to make any sacrifice to win freedom. The second major problem is of equipment. The Mukti Bahini has now proved beyond doubt that it can hit at the enemy anywhere in Bangladesh. Rut it is handicapped by lack of adequate fire power. Given better fire power Mukti Bahini is now in a position to decimate the Pak army at a rate which will soon cripple it. To hasten victory improving the fire power of the Mukti Bahini is a must. In matter of equipment the other major handicaps are transport and medical aid. Lack of adequate transport is hampering the mobility of the Mukti Bahini, some times with disastrous result. For example, the heavy casualty suffered by the Mukti Bahini at Bherigaon on July 22 was almost entirely due to lack of transport which prevented the two arms of the attacking force to synchronize their attacks. Lack -of medical facilities is causing many deaths which otherwise could have been avoided.
There is hardly any first aid available to the Mukti Bahini during operation. There is no stretcher or ambulance and no base hospital- The wounded are carried on the shoulders of their comrades or on improvised stretchers made of ropes and bamboo poles. The nearest hospital would be miles away from the place of operation. And by the time the wounded is carried to the hospital he is dead from blood letting. It goes to the credit of the boys of the Mukti Bahini that even such avoidable deaths have not affected their morale. Friends of Bangladesh owe it to these brave boys to make better medical facilities available to them. Even a slight improvement in the present situation can save many precious lives. Lack of sufficient coordination between different fighting units is another problem which is affecting the smooth progress of the operation. Due to lack of such coordination efforts of the fighting units are sometimes wasted. Cases have also been reported when safety of fighting units was jeopardized due to lack of coordination between units operating in the same sector. The problem of better coordination is essentially a political problem of unity among different fighting units. In many places the exigencies of the situation have bought all the fighting groups together and forced them to set up joint commands. But unfortunately this is still to be the general pattern everywhere. The newly formed five-party Cabinet Consultative Committee will make a big contribution to early victory if it can enforce a united command in all the sectors.
Guerrilla warfare is essentially a political warfare in which proper political motivation of the fighters and the people is indefensible for victory. Unfortunately this has remained a weak spot of the Bangladesh struggle till today- The chief motivation of the fighters and the people till today is hatred of the enemy, of the West Pakistani Punjabi army to be more precise. Hatred in a people’s war is sacred. It comes from a deep love for one’s own people and gives one the grit and determination to stick on to the end. But hatred should not be so blind as to lead one to confuse between friends and foes. All Pakistanis and all Punjabis for that matter are not the enemies of Bangladesh. It is the feudal lords and monopolists of West Pakistan represented by the military junta that the people of Bangladesh are fighting. It will be a folly to extend the circle of the enemy by including the common people of West Pakistan into it- The anti¬imperialist content of the Bangladesh struggle is also not properly emphasized by some of its leaders. The government and the army which are now raping Bangladesh is supported, armed, equipped, sustained and protected by US imperialism.
But strangely enough no one has so far heard of a word of condemnation of the US imperialists from a section of the Bangladesh leaders. On the contrary there is an attempt to sow illusions about the US government in the minds of the people of Bangladesh.
No liberation war can‘be fought, let alone won, if the people are not properly educated about the enemy and its allies. Any confusion or blindness about the enemy can only lead the people into the enemy’s trap. The war in Bangladesh has been fought for six months and now with victory no longer in doubt it is essential that the leaders of the struggle spell out their objectives in some more detail so that people may know what kind of Bangladesh they shall live in after victory is won.
Two constituents of the liberation struggle, namely the Communist Party of Bangladesh and the National Awami Party (Muzaffar ) have already announced their programmed. But such programmed are yet to come from the Awami League and the Bhashani NAP. Unless such clear programmatic declarations are made by the leading parties of the struggle the basic masses cannot be fully mobilized in the struggle. There is no doubt that the Bangladesh is a people’s struggle. But active physical participation of the masses of peasants is still inadequate. This deficiency cannot be made up unless the peasantry is roused on a programmed which they will consider their own. These are some of the major weaknesses of the struggle which need immediate attention by the leaders. The people of Bangladesh are now on their way to victory. The sooner these weaknesses are remedied the quicker will be the victory.
PINDI MAY BARTER’ BANGLA FOR KASHMIR
THE INDIAN EXPRESS (New Delhi), October 8, 1971PTI - Report From New Delhi
A senior Pakistan diplomat, who has defected to Bangladesh, says the West Pakistani rulers are reconciled to the eventual loss of Bangla Desh but would try to grab Kashmir to placate public opinion in their country. Mr. Humayun Rashid Choudhury, till recently Minister Counsellor and Head of Chancery at the Pakistan High Commission here, also says that West Pakistanis have been whipped up into a\hysteria that India was now to grab their territory and are therefore willing to fight India. Mr. Choudhury was interviewed tonight along with Mr. K. Subrahmanyam, Director of the Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis, on the All India Radio television by Dr. Mohammed Ayub of the Nehru University.
Supplementing Mr. Choudhury, Mr. Subrahmanyam said West Pakistan would attack Rajasthan simultaneously with Kashmir and try to adopt a defensive posture on the Punjab plains. Mr. Subrahmanyam said that India has a numerical superiority over Pakistan both in the Army and in the Air Force. The West Pakistani army had some 3,65,000 men where¬as the Indian Army had 8,00 000 men. 'The former’s Air Force- had 280 aircraft as against Indian Air Force’s 600. Mr. Subrahmanyam added that the outcome of a war would, however, depend on the deployment. India had also to watch the northern border with China.
Mr. Choudhury made several visits to West Pakistan between March this year and his defection earlier this week. There he met several friends and relatives recently back from Bangladesh. Giving his appreciation of the relative morale in the two regions, he said: “The morale of Bangladesh people is tremendously high—admirable because of all that they have gone through. They are confident that theirs is the ultimate victory”.
On the other hand, the morale in West Pakistan is sagging very, very fast. They are convinced that they are going to lose Bangladesh. They are worried how to explain this to the people of West Pakistan who have sustained them, he said. “If at some stage, it becomes difficult to stay in Bangladesh,. they would not like to get trapped. They will pull out from there but they will go in for Kashmir. There has been for some years a lot of talk in West Pakistan about bartering Bangladesh for Kashmir”. Mr. Subrahmanyam, agreeing with Mr. Choudhury, noted that Pakistan has been trying to buy Russian and East European arms to equip “Mujahids” to be sent into Kashmir. He said the immediate objective of West Pak¬istan is to make a major military effort to stamp out the Mukti Bahini. They would shift troops to Bangladesh but they have to watch out on 'the West Pakistan border with India at the same time. He also observed that the present rulers of West Pakistan would rather lose to India than give in to democratic forces within the country.
A senior Pakistan diplomat, who has defected to Bangladesh, says the West Pakistani rulers are reconciled to the eventual loss of Bangla Desh but would try to grab Kashmir to placate public opinion in their country. Mr. Humayun Rashid Choudhury, till recently Minister Counsellor and Head of Chancery at the Pakistan High Commission here, also says that West Pakistanis have been whipped up into a\hysteria that India was now to grab their territory and are therefore willing to fight India. Mr. Choudhury was interviewed tonight along with Mr. K. Subrahmanyam, Director of the Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis, on the All India Radio television by Dr. Mohammed Ayub of the Nehru University.
Supplementing Mr. Choudhury, Mr. Subrahmanyam said West Pakistan would attack Rajasthan simultaneously with Kashmir and try to adopt a defensive posture on the Punjab plains. Mr. Subrahmanyam said that India has a numerical superiority over Pakistan both in the Army and in the Air Force. The West Pakistani army had some 3,65,000 men where¬as the Indian Army had 8,00 000 men. 'The former’s Air Force- had 280 aircraft as against Indian Air Force’s 600. Mr. Subrahmanyam added that the outcome of a war would, however, depend on the deployment. India had also to watch the northern border with China.
Mr. Choudhury made several visits to West Pakistan between March this year and his defection earlier this week. There he met several friends and relatives recently back from Bangladesh. Giving his appreciation of the relative morale in the two regions, he said: “The morale of Bangladesh people is tremendously high—admirable because of all that they have gone through. They are confident that theirs is the ultimate victory”.
On the other hand, the morale in West Pakistan is sagging very, very fast. They are convinced that they are going to lose Bangladesh. They are worried how to explain this to the people of West Pakistan who have sustained them, he said. “If at some stage, it becomes difficult to stay in Bangladesh,. they would not like to get trapped. They will pull out from there but they will go in for Kashmir. There has been for some years a lot of talk in West Pakistan about bartering Bangladesh for Kashmir”. Mr. Subrahmanyam, agreeing with Mr. Choudhury, noted that Pakistan has been trying to buy Russian and East European arms to equip “Mujahids” to be sent into Kashmir. He said the immediate objective of West Pak¬istan is to make a major military effort to stamp out the Mukti Bahini. They would shift troops to Bangladesh but they have to watch out on 'the West Pakistan border with India at the same time. He also observed that the present rulers of West Pakistan would rather lose to India than give in to democratic forces within the country.
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